CONTAINS AUDIO
Australia is a giant in African mining, but its vast — and in some cases deadly — footprint has never been examined.
Australian-listed mining companies are linked to hundreds of deaths and alleged injustices which wouldn’t be tolerated in better-regulated nations.
The stories that follow are from people across Africa, rarely heard outside their own communities.
It was 7 p.m. on October 15, 2004, when the men were rounded up.
They were loaded onto trucks, driven to a shallow grave and executed by Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) armed forces.
Col. Ilunga Ademar, the officer in charge, reportedly ordered his forces to “kill everything that breathes.”
Adele Faray-Mwayuma and her three youngest children fled to the forest. Her two eldest sons, a college freshman and a high school senior, stayed to protect the house.
We found that our sons had been killed. We found bullets.
They were not the only ones killed — many were killed. A lot of people died.
ADELE FARAY-MWAYUMA
Victims’ Mother
When she returned home she found only bloodstains and shell casings.
She has never recovered her boys’ bodies.
Dickay Kunda’s pregnant sister was raped by three soldiers and died of her injuries after six months in hospital.
He was tortured every single day.
All kinds of torture you can imagine.
DICKAY KUNDA
Victims’ Son and Brother
His father was detained in this makeshift prison and accused of being a rebel sympathizer and a traitor.
At least 73 villagers were dead when the soldiers had finished. More would die from their injuries in the following months.
I’d characterize it as industry-facilitated massacre.
PATRICIA FEENEY
Executive Director, Rights and Accountability in Development
Anvil Mining Ltd supplied DRC armed forces with drivers, trucks and rations and flew in troops on its chartered planes.
Col. Ademar had allegedly been paid previously by the company for security services. He also testified that he stayed in Anvil-provided housing in the weeks after the massacre.
It would have taken the soldiers days to march over rugged terrain from their base in Pweto to Kilwa, but in Anvil Mining’s vehicles, it took just half a day.
Anvil claims that the DRC military had commandeered company equipment to suppress an uprising.
Days before the massacre, a small band of poorly armed rebels had seized the village neighboring Anvil’s mine, effectively blocking the company’s access to the port.
Anvil suspended operations and evacuated its staff at a cost of US$2 million.
Anvil has produced this document — an order from DRC officials to assist the military’s recapture of Kilwa.
It’s dated eight months after the massacre.
You can’t help but smell a rat, and feel,
well, this is, you know, retrofitting the facts to justify your
failure to act properly in the first place.
PATRICIA FEENEY
Executive Director, Rights and Accountability in Development
When first reporting the incident to shareholders, Anvil made no mention of dozens of deaths.
The argument that Anvil had provided this assistance
and couldn’t possibly have known that there would have been such serious consequences
seems hardly credible,
and if so,
almost criminally naive.
PATRICIA FEENEY
Executive Director, Rights and Accountability in Development
When I noticed the presence of Mr. Cedric and Mr. Peter, I gave a sigh of relief thinking that as I’d worked with them for years, and we had very good relations for many years, that it could be a chance for them to intervene, and I’d be released. But that didn’t happen.
PIERRE KUNDA MUSOPELO
Victim
In this 2009 audio recording Dickay Kunda’s father made shortly before he died, he tells lawyers that Anvil officials had visited this makeshift prison several times during his incarceration.
Pierre Kunda Musopelo is one of a number of people who say they saw Anvil employees in Kilwa at the time of the massacre.
So, it’s a question of trying to draw boundaries.
How far is a company allowed to go to make a profit,
to operate in countries that are obviously high risk?
What kind of safeguards are those governments requiring of companies?
How are they going to react if a problem arises?
PATRICIA FEENEY
Executive Director, Rights and Accountability in Development
Patricia Feeney also interviewed survivors of the massacre and has campaigned on behalf of victims for 10 years.
Australian companies have led the charge into Africa.
Australian-listed companies are more numerous than those from other mining giants, including Canada, the United Kingdom and China, and often the first foreign player on the ground.
Across the continent, Australian mining companies have been implicated in deaths, cases of alleged negligence, illegal licensing, unfair dismissal, forced displacement and environmental degradation.
Thousands have sued or filed grievances against these companies, their subsidiaries and subcontractors.
We spoke to hundreds of people, including prosecutors, lawyers, NGOs, community groups, tribal kings, company insiders and victims to uncover cases that reveal for the first time the extent of these grievances.
There is a very strong perception
that Australian mining companies come here
to get away with the things that they wouldn’t get away with in Australia.
TRACEY DAVIES
Head of Corporate Accountability, Center for Environmental Rights Law Clinic, South Africa
Since 2004, Australian-listed companies were linked to more than 380 deaths in on-site accidents and off-site skirmishes in Africa.
In Malawi, five men have died on Paladin Africa’s Kayelekera site since 2009, including two construction subcontractors killed after a seven-meter steel tank exploded.
It was like a bomb. So, I can’t even remember because I was half dead.
Starting from here is all skin graft — all skin graft. All, if you can see, skin graft.
On the head here. This wound will not heal until the rest of my life, as I was told by the specialist who did this.
CALDWELL SICHINGA
Former Laminator, Kayelekera Mine
Caldwell Sichinga was coating the inside of the tank with MEK, a highly volatile solvent, when it exploded.
He and the other two men had total body burns and were flown to South Africa by Paladin Africa for specialist care.
What caused the MEK vapor to ignite is a matter of dispute. The initial incident report says a spark from welding just four meters away may have been the cause, but Mr. Sichinga says a co-worker’s discarded cigarette butt sparked the blaze. International standards warn against heat near such a combustible chemical, as it can ignite flash fires which burn at extremely high temperatures.
NO open flames. NO contact with acids, bases, reducing agents or hot surfaces.
— International Programme on Chemical Safety
The safe and appropriate use of MEK by contractors who required it in order to carry out their works during construction was authorized by Paladin’s Engineer.
— Greg Walker
Managing Director, Paladin (Africa) Limited
To ignite, the concentration of MEK where Mr. Sichinga was working would have reached at least 14,000 parts per million. That’s roughly 70 times what the U.S. National Institute of Health and Safety considers a safe exposure and approximately five times what NIOSH considers Immediately Dangerous to Life and Health (IDLH).
Paladin contracted with highly experienced and internationally recognized construction contractors in order to ensure that the construction of the facility was carried out to the highest standards in terms of quality and safety. An international firm of professional project managers was appointed to manage construction activities and ensure that the site was managed in accordance with international best-practice.
— Greg Walker
Managing Director, Paladin (Africa) Limited
When we showed industrial health and safety expert Frank Parker the preliminary incident report, he concluded the situation was fundamentally unsafe.
Within the U.S., MEK can only be used in confined spaces when “extraordinary engineering controls” are present including local ventilation and air monitoring alarms.
Mr. Sichinga told us that that equipment wasn’t available at Kayelekera and he would have to “climb to the top of the tank for fresh air.”
The bottom line is they shouldn’t have been using MEK in a confined space under these conditions.
Australians are among the leaders of the world in safety. They should know better, and do know better.
— Frank Parker
Caliche Ltd
— Frank Parker
Caliche Ltd
A witness who tried to help Mr. Sichinga told us the closest fire extinguisher was shut away in an office.
When we tried to make him walk, he couldn’t — there was skin on the ground. When we touched him, the skin scattered.
— Moses Simwaka
Witness
Paladin denies it was negligent:
Availability of fire-fighting equipment was not an issue at the time, nor has it been since. Both Paladin sites — KM and Langer Heinrich Mine (LHM) — employ specialized safety officers and are equipped with necessary safety equipment. Both sites are subjected to regular external audits of health, safety and environmental standards and practices ...
— Greg Walker
Managing Director, Paladin (Africa) Limited
Pains,
hour after hour.
When I take tablets, I can feel better — maybe three, four hours.
After that, when it stops working on the body, the body starts paining again.
As he recovered in hospital, Caldwell Sichinga dreamed he was lying under a mango tree next to his co-workers.
He didn’t know they were already dead.
Mr. Sichinga returned to Karonga but will never fully recover from his injuries.
Under Malawi law, Mr. Sichinga is entitled to $950,000 Malawian Kwacha — at present worth about US$2,100.
Paladin denies responsibility for the explosion and says the contractor is liable for any compensation.
Paladin’s view, based on legal advice it has received, is that other parties are liable for Mr. Sichinga’s damages. … He is not and was never an employee of the Company, nor does the Company accept liability for his injuries.
— Greg Walker
Managing Director, Paladin (Africa) Limited
I’m so disappointed.
Since from, I mean, 2012 up to now, they have not taken me to the hospital.
They are just buying me medication.
His condition has to do with — he was done this skin grafting. So that involves a lot of expertise.
So for us here, we don’t have much of the skills to do such kind of treatment.
I will die quickly because, even you know — depression. I’m thinking too much.
It’s better [for] those guys who have passed away because fighting someone which is just very physical, and with a person who is sick, is completely different.
I feel like dying.
Because lying in a bed like this, no good at all.
No good at all.
CALDWELL SICHINGA
Former Laminator, Kayelekera Mine
Mr. Sichinga rises early to avoid the heat of the day and readies himself for a painful trip by bicycle taxi to the doctor’s office.
Paladin says it has acted compassionately towards Mr. Sichinga, even saving his life.
The company has spent close to US$1 million on Mr. Sichinga’s air evacuation, medical and rehabilitation costs.
Paladin renovated his house and also provides a 40,000 - 50,000 Malawi Kwacha stipend — about US$110 — per month.
But Mr. Sichinga feels he’s been tossed aside.
Caldwell Sichinga has rejected the payout offered by the contractor and has filed a negligence claim in the Malawi High Court against the contractor and Paladin.
If I was a white man, would you give me such a type of amount?
The fact that Paladin evacuated Mr. Sichinga and his co-workers to Millpark Hospital in Johannesburg, South Africa, regarded as one of the finest medical facilities in Africa for the treatment of burns cases, is evidence that Paladin made no distinction based on race.
— Greg Walker
Managing Director, Paladin (Africa) Limited
The use of contract labor creates a complex health and safety environment. In the case of injuries, individuals can be stuck between two companies arguing over liability.
Not only are subcontractors less protected, but decades of research suggests these employees face far greater risk of injury and death.
Contract labor as a percentage of the mining workforce in South Africa is particularly high. On a per-hours-worked basis, the mining fatality rate in South Africa is four times Australia’s, according to figures from the South African Chamber of Mines.
Aquarius Platinum recorded the highest number of workplace fatalities of any Australian-listed company during 2004 to 2014 — 39 — second only to South African mining behemoth AngloGold-Ashanti.
Historically, Aquarius has had one of the highest levels of contract labor among its peers.
Working at Aquarius was my first job in my life.
I had dreams to do other things in life, but now because of my current situation, being disabled has made it impossible for me to achieve my dreams.
I tried to get up, but I couldn’t, and that’s when I started calling for help.
On a normal occasion we work in pairs, but on that day my partner was absent and I had to work by myself.
Siyabonga Mhlathuszana was working for an Aquarius Platinum contractor in 2008 when he was struck by a falling rock. He was 23.
Aquarius says Mr. Mhlathuszana was sitting in a hazardous area with “disregard for his own safety.”
There is no need to employ more than one individual in this area since continual cleaning by one person is sufficient to keep the area clean. Furthermore, this was not an isolated area and Mr. Mhlathuszana was not isolated at this work station.
Rules and regulations are always being changed.
For instance, they may state that we are not supposed to do this or that,
but then later when it’s time to work, they change what they said.
SIYABONGA MHLATHUSZANA
Former Subcontractor
Mr. Mhlathuzana told us his compensation package includes the costs of medication, a US$1,230 lump sum and an ongoing monthly salary of US$460.
He will never walk again.
Mines don’t want to be blamed.
They will go all the routes to find someone for being responsible.
That is the case that we most experience as the worker.
From every accident you will find that the worker is guilty, you see?
NORMAN THOBELI
Underground Rigger Assistant, Aquarius Platinum’s Kroondal Mine
The issue of safety my friend is very complex. The safety of Australia is very excellent. I wish that could be applied on the Aquarius mine.
What makes people experience this injury? People are working for bonuses
because sometimes bonus is more than our salary. That is the whole thing that is messing everything.
That is the thing that makes things rough in the mine.
We’ll just go there to make it quick and fast because we want our bonus. We want to push the bonus.
So the miners not care about the safety, what they care about is the production — how far the production goes because this way is money.
Norman Thobeli lives with his wife and two children across the street from Aquarius in this tin shack he built himself.
They share this portable toilet with three other families.
Many miners, like Mr. Thobeli, told us they will put their own lives at risk, pushing themselves, sometimes in hazardous conditions, to earn a bonus.
Aquarius Platinum says bonuses are capped, never exceed a worker’s base pay and that safety is paramount.
Aquarius’ codes of practice, policies and procedures are aligned with regulatory requirements as prescribed by the Mine Health and Safety Act (South Africa) and with best practice. Note that safety is not the sole responsibility of the employer — the MHSA provides for joint accountability by management, the unions and government.
Formerly the largest employer of subcontractors of any major platinum producer, Aquarius Platinum has reduced the number of subcontractors from 85 to 50 percent of its total workforce.
It’s a very different situation for mine employees in Australia who are more likely to be employees of the company, enjoy the highest average weekly wage of any industry and where strict compliance and safety standards save lives.
When five men died in a rockfall in South Africa in 2010, the government conducted a preliminary investigation but never contacted the company about a formal inquest.
One fatality on Australian soil can trigger official inquiries backed by robust powers and resources.
Many believe Australia’s mining boom shielded the economy through the 2008 global financial crisis and raised the standard of living.
Australian politicians assumed their mining companies would bring similar prosperity to African nations. Federal and state governments backed the companies with grants and became major shareholders.
Africa is increasingly regarded as a continent of enormous promise ... increased Australian trade and investment in Africa is the best way for Australia to help stimulate growth and development in Africa.
— Julie Bishop
Australian Foreign Minister
African governments, desperate for investment and a way out of poverty, offer tax incentives and low royalty rates to foreign resource companies.
Sometimes corruption strips these deals of their value.
More often, host governments find they don’t have the expertise or the experience to ensure that companies live up to expectations and that money flows through the communities closest to the mines.
Unfortunately, we don’t hear any stories of really rigorous
regulatory enforcement of multi-national mining companies in Africa.
There does seem to be a subset of companies,
and a lot of them seem to be Australian,
who are very happy to take advantage of that regulatory weakness, or slackness, or unwillingness.
TRACEY DAVIES
Head of Corporate Accountability, Center for Environmental Rights Law Clinic
I haven’t seen an indictment
of a big Australian company for reckless or socially irresponsible behavior
in a developing country.
BOB CARR
Former Australian Foreign Minister
Australian Senate Committee Hearing, 2013
Grievances rarely travel the 8,000km back to Australia.
MPs, lawyers and NGOs accuse some Australian-listed companies of taking advantage of regulatory and compliance monitoring weaknesses, and of the huge disparity in power between themselves and affected communities.
We uncovered numerous legal complaints alleging a disregard for cultural and religious traditions, forced displacement, environmental degradation, pollution, and tax avoidance.
In a June 2015 report, ActionAid found that Malawi — one of the world’s poorest countries — lost out on US$43 million from Paladin during six years of operations.
The NGO alleges that on top of enjoying a low tax rate in Malawi, Paladin uses a legal loophole to siphon profits overseas tax-free.
Paladin has dismissed the report. It says the NGO was operating on the “false assumption” that the project would have proceeded without tax breaks.
Environmental criticisms have also dogged community relations with Paladin.
Activists recently applied for an injunction to block the company from dumping what the activists claim to be uranium tailings in local rivers, out of concerns it could destroy Lake Malawi’s ecosystem — the country’s lifeblood.
Paladin says the application is “groundless and will be opposed.” The company says it is “releasing only water that has been treated to comply with licence criteria set by the [Government of Malawi], including the WHO drinking water guideline for uranium content.”
The coming in of Paladin was a relief to my community. Because through that, that’s how our economic standards can be boosted.
It took time for my government to realize they were given a raw deal.
EMMANUEL SILUNGWE
Karonga Business Council Chair, Malawi
Before the arrival of Paladin in Karonga, fishing was Northern Malawi’s biggest industry.
Karonga Business Community Chair Emmanuel Silungwe welcomes foreign investors to Karonga.
Our general plan from the beginning was to start with this village and work our way outwards,
down this main road to the town, which we’ve called “the Corridor of Care.”
The idea was:
Let’s just do a little bit for everybody, instead of put everything in one place.
Consequently, everybody wishes they had a little bit more.
That’s just something we struggle with.
I think a lot of people had expectations that we would utterly transform the district up here.
I think we’ve made quite a big impact, but if you ask individuals:
“Well, they gave me one teacher’s house, but I wish I had four more.”
Well, we’ve built a total of sixteen, which is remarkable really,
but a drop in the bucket to the need.
JIM NOTTINGHAM
Senior Community Relations Officer, Paladin (Africa)
Paladin’s Jim Nottingham says the company tries, but community need is overwhelming.
Yes, I did benefit — a little, though. They stayed at my hotel here for a few months.
But that was me. I look at the picture — the whole sum picture. What about others? How much did they benefit?
So, that’s my biggest worry. I wish many of us, the business community at large in Karonga, had benefited from the mining venture.
If only we knew this would be the outcome, we would not have allowed Paladin to come in.
FRANK MWENIFUMBO
Karonga Central Member of Parliament
Karonga Central Member of Parliament Frank Mwenifumbo brokered the original deal that brought Paladin to Lake Malawi’s shores.
Mr. Mwenifumbo’s companies also provided car rentals to Paladin.
Now the relationship has soured.
Mr. Mwenifumbo and Mr. Siloungwe allege Paladin failed to deliver on promises to patronize local businesses, a claim the company firmly rejects.
Instead of things improving in terms of livelihood here in Karonga,
there has been a serious retrogression in all spheres of our lives —
whether economic or social, maybe to an extent political as well.
FRANK MWENIFUMBO
Karonga Central Member of Parliament
Paladin says it has invested US$17.7 million in Malawi.
But critics say it hasn’t brought lasting prosperity.
But Paladin says the “economic downturn” is merely due to the suspension of production at their mine.
If there has been a ‘serious retrogression’ in Karonga’s economic and social life since then, it is due to economic downturn following suspension of production at KM in May 2014. Doubters of the significant economic stimulus provided to Karonga by Paladin are now witnessing the effects of withdrawal of that economic driver. Hopefully, local politicians, businessmen and civil society will have a keener appreciation of the prosperity that mining development brings in its wake when production resumes at Kayelekera mine.
— Greg Walker
Managing Director, Paladin (Africa) Limited
Well, I haven’t traveled to every mine in Africa, but I have spoken to so many people who do this work
and I’ve never heard of a place where the local community is happy that the mine is there
and really thinks that the mine has brought them prosperity
and changed the way that they live.
TRACEY DAVIES
Head of Corporate Accountability, Center for Environmental Rights Law Clinic
But when communities express their frustration, the consequences can be deadly.
The people of Mali have been mining gold in fields like this for centuries.
Just south of here lie Fourou and Syama — villages in one of the poorest regions in one of the poorest countries in Africa.
They’re on the doorstep of Mali’s oldest industrial mine, Resolute’s Syama.
As the mine has expanded, locals say promised jobs haven’t come and the company has taken over farms with little or no compensation.
The expansion is legal as farmers only hold customary rights to the land.
The places we solely depended on to make farms and grow food to feed ourselves and our families have all been snatched away. Our lands are being grabbed. No one even cares.
SEMACHO SOGODOGO
Protester
On November 11, 2012, community and company relations sunk to a new low.
Villagers blocked access to the mine with tree branches to protest the imprisonment of three men for allegedly assaulting a subcontractor’s human resources officer.
It was the third time villagers had blockaded the road.
When armed police became involved, it was lethal.
At the time, the checkpoints were here.
This one was the checkpoint for the women.
The other one was the checkpoint for the men.
So, we were standing behind this one. We were standing at this checkpoint. They came and fired at us.
After the violence, these are the ones we were able to collect from the main streets — not to mention the shots that were fired in the bushes — I am referring to the ones that fell on the streets. They added up to 99 bullets.
SEMACHO SOGODOGO
Protester
According to local police officer Sidiki Diarra, a mine worker called to ask authorities to unblock the road.
The local government authorized the use of force to disperse the protestors from the mine.
Police moved in, killing two men and injuring others.
Semacho Sogodogo heard his friend cry out, “I’m hit.” The man had been fatally struck by a bullet in the chest.
Resolute’s CEO Peter Sullivan wouldn’t comment on the deaths, but provided this statement:
There have been some instances where some people in the local community feel aggrieved by our presence or operations, for a variety reasons. This is not unexpected given the large role the mine plays in the region. Resolute is committed to addressing those concerns where it can and discussing the issues where a pathway forward is not readily apparent.
I can say striking [against the company] has made matters even worse. Instead of being a cure to our problems, we are enduring a whole lot of sufferings, as though we have no one to protect us; as though we are not citizens of this country.
SEMACHO SOGODOGO
Protester
Almost three years after the incident, little has changed.
Protests continue and Mr. Sogodogo reports no villagers have been hired since 2012 despite Resolute’s promises.
Our Syama gold mine in Mali employs approximately 1,600 people, of which over 90% are Malian. We have a policy of employing local where we can, provided the employee has the skills, expertise and qualifications required to undertake the relevant role safely and efficiently.
— Peter Sullivan
CEO, Resolute
May Allah’s peace and mercy be upon his soul.
Let’s all pray for him. Why? Because he became the dead body of the entire town.
He died because of what the entire town unanimously agreed to protest against.
May his grave be restful and peaceful. Let’s all pray for his soul.
For those with grievances who can muster the resources and support, the courts provide an alternative to protest, petitions and sit-ins.
The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights recently announced it will investigate the DRC government’s role in the 2004 Kilwa massacre.
The Commission does not have the authority to examine the role of a foreign company, like Anvil.
Anvil Mining sold Dikulushi in 2010 and is no longer active.
They [Anvil Mining] have never given,
or been obliged to give,
proper explanation of their real role.
PATRICIA FEENEY
Executive Director, Rights and Accountability in Development
Former Anvil Mining CEO Bill Turner declined to address what he called “incorrect allegations and assumptions” including those made by Ms. Feeney and others that the company never received a legally binding order to assist the military’s recapture of Kilwa.
Mr. Turner says Anvil’s role in the massacre has been examined thoroughly.
None of those enquiries has found that there is any substance whatsoever to the allegations. In addition, there has been litigation instigated in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Western Australia and Canada, which has at least touched on the matters raised by you. In none of those cases have there been findings against Anvil.
Previous Australian Federal Police investigations failed to find enough evidence to prosecute Anvil Mining in Australia.
When victims have been able to go before a judge, proceedings have been discredited or thrown out.
The government has its interests and that is to protect the interest of white people.
If mining companies have come here and the government is benefiting from those companies
so they cannot let them down because they have their interests there.
The Governor called a meeting in Kilwa. He said, “If you testify, Anvil Mining will leave, go home, and we’ll remain unemployed here.”
I think it’s quite natural, whenever anything happens you think about justice.
Anyone in the world, I mean, it’s a universal concept, right? To seek for justice, to need justice.
ADELE FARAY-MWAYUMA
Victims’ Mother
ULIMWENGU PAULIN
Victims’ Father
DICKAY KUNDA
Victims’ Son & Brother
This amateur footage was taken during a military tribunal in the DRC in which three Anvil employees were charged with “knowingly facilitating the commission of war crimes by Colonel Ilunga Ademar and his men.”
On June 28, 2007, Col. Ademar, his men, and all Anvil mining employees were acquitted on charges relating to Kilwa.
Although the prosecutor never indicted the company itself, it too was exonerated in the final judgement.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, criticized the decision and a leaked U.S. embassy cable noted:
An Anvil official said the governor of Katanga had spoken with the chief judge and was told the majority of the judges were ‘okay.’ The unguarded comment from the Anvil executive is typical of the clumsiness the Australian-based, Canadian-incorporated company has exhibited since the Kilwa incident of 2004.
In 2008, a class action launched in Australia on behalf of victims was abandoned due to alleged death threats and DRC government interference.
Victims also appealed to a Canadian court, after Anvil Mining Ltd listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange.
In 2012, the judge dismissed the case on the grounds that, as Anvil was headquartered in Australia, it had jurisdiction.
So, Australia is really the only forum left.
Give us at least this chance.
We never had a chance of being heard here.
I think that Australia will give us this chance.
I think that the system is solid, is robust.
PATRICIA FEENEY
Executive Director, Rights and Accountability in Development
Now Adele Faray-Mwayuma and Dickay Kunda are in talks with Australian lawyers about filing civil charges against Anvil.
We’ve had many frustrations,
but I’ve been so impressed with the tenacity of the families,
and also, so touched by the scale of their suffering and losses,
and so appalled at the inability of either the government of Australia or Canada,
to act responsibly in this matter.
And that’s why we hope it will, that there will be a day in court for the families of the victims.
PATRICIA FEENEY
Executive Director, Rights and Accountability in Development
Until then, for the families of the Kilwa massacre victims, time continues to stand still.
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